Richard Valenti

As students lined up at the Glacier High School campus on June 6th, 1963, the smirks of beaming students begin to unveil the significance of the upcoming moments (Carson, 1963 Photo).  Commencement of the first graduating class of students of the area’s first junior college was just about underway.  State Superintendent of Public Instruction Louis Bruno stated, “mark this date well,” and noted that in fifty or one hundred years students will be referring to this graduating class as “pioneers of the college.”  Not so fast.  During the 1960s major student concerns seemed largely to mirror national and social issues that were shadowing the generation.  In a recent interview, Lonny Kaneko, Highline instructor of over thirty years tenure termed ours, “a somewhat quiet, drowsy, non-reactive campus” (Kaneko).  Even so, his testimonies as well as documentary and other individual accounts indicate that there were anxieties on campus.  In this paper I will examine three of the most controversial issues and some of the solutions that were used to lead our way.

As the Vietnam war escalated, students debated opposing views, often with venom as well as sarcasm.  A 1965 account of student division is evident in a single page of the school newspaper Thunderword.  On the one hand students of the Highline Management Club wrote a “Proclamation on Vietnam,” supportive of US policies and involvement and denouncing unpatriotic protesters (Sarger 1965).  In the same issue, another article accuses that club of “emotionalism” and a general lack of knowledge (E.M. 1965).  The same issue published a cartoon that depicts soldiers blowing off heavy artillery; the caption cynically jabs: “If you think this is rough, you should try carrying thirteen credit hours with a B average” (Parsons 1965).  In one response to this cartoon, the writer expressed that he “particularly enjoyed” the cartoon (Scheide 1965).  Another response was very heated and much to the opposite.  In a “letter from Vietnam” a soldier and former student retorts, “what moron can’t handle thirteen credits?”  Further protesting that he “knows eight marines who would gladly exchange spots; it would be more, but some of them are dead.”

There were also firsthand accounts of two students “glad to be back” from the war described human atrocities of the war and inhumane conditions that the peoples of Vietnam had to endure.  Says returned student Tony Chinn about America, “Vietnamese could not even conceive that such a place could exist” (Furney 1968).

During the war some recounted notable emotive stirrings concerning US involvement in Vietnam.  “I remember some who were protesting, and I have memories of student groups holding rallies during the Vietnam war.” (Kaneko 2002).  Even when the war ended in 1973 there was skepticism.  Said one student, “(the end of the war) isn’t the start of something good.  Just the end of something very bad.” (Grover 1973). 

Certainly, there was emotion over the Vietnam war, but perhaps the most heated disputes of our campus related to ethnic and racial issues.

The 1968 slaying of Martin Luther King was another national issue to bring tensions to the school.  Shortly after this murder Roland Jonason interviewed several students, white and black.  One black student, talking about the conscience of America said, “It’s on a lot of people’s conscience, but it will probably be forgotten and happen again.”  Two white students were worrying about the national rioting and the potential for campus uprising.  One stated that, “their (blacks) methods leave something to be desired.” (Janoson 1968).  In another article the individual berated the blacks for burning down their own homes claiming that, “No one should burn down their own slum until they have something better.” (Nelson 1968).  Do you suppose he missed the point?

This slaying of a popular Black leader, along with rising concerns over almost nonexistent black presence within the faculty led to a certain degree of anxiety and even fears on campus.  Perhaps there was a certain shortsightedness as well.  For instance, Dee Cook of the Thunderword stated in 1968, that there was fear on campus as to what to say when approached by a “Negro.”  In all the issues of Thunder Word I saw from 1961 to 1968, no Blacks referred to themselves a “Negro”.  Hmm… makes you wonder.

Lonny Kaneko tells that there had in fact been physical threats toward staff, from students and recalls a time while in a faculty meeting the door of the room opened “suddenly” and you could see fear “splash” across the face until it was realized that the intruder was a “safe” person (non-black?).

In June 1968 a meeting was held in which the Afro-American Society could express its “demands.”  Essentially, the group wanted to bring out a “feeling of pride” in the black person by establishing a place for blacks at HCC.  This plan included a black counselor (who could relate to black students), who should be approved by black students; more black instructors; and for Blacks to be included in the curriculum, particularly in culture classes such as music and history (“Afro American Society).  Perhaps this meeting was the beginning of some positive change.

By 1972 a Head of Minority Affairs, Mrs. Piper, was brought on staff to assist and facilitate any minority group that wished to start a union or company.  With Piper’s support, groups such as the Black Student Union began to hold regular meetings on campus. (Tword 10/27/72). 

Other tensions centered on the efforts of Black instructors to create Black literature and culture courses.  There were two “generous” white instructors who developed and began to teach a Black literature course.  However, at the same time, a particular Black instructor wanted to teach the course.  The problem (from schools point of view) was that the material this instructor wanted to use seemed to be more of a political science.  Conflict involved both students and staff.   Eventually, a Black instructor was found to teach the course and additionally to teach writing and French courses. (Kaneko 2001).

As HCC advanced through the 1980’s, smoking became a hotly disputed issue.  More and more smoking areas were removed and smokers were feeling persecuted.  By 1984 HCC changed the focus from designating non-smoking areas to designating smoking areas (Schauer 1984).  Within a half year smoking is further restricted as the school disallows smoking from all “to do” areas.  “To do” areas include all eating or study areas (McDonnald 1985).  Smoking was later banned from all areas, including the hallways, in the library except for two lounges (Cooly 1987).  In an article denouncing shrinking smoker’s rights, one student rants and raves about his right to pollute his body anywhere he wants and makes the comparison, “why not ban people from eating fatty foods?” (Stevenson 1987).  Another student, blasting the idea that if he wants to smoke he should be the one that has to go outside, states:  “It’s a free country.  If you don’t like to breathe my smoke, go stand out in the cold and wait for me to finish.” (Pierce 1989).  As absurd as that point of view seems now, I remember those battles and I know that they were serious (and not as silly) at the time.

Highline has seen controversies over where students should be allowed to smoke and whether or not the US should be in Vietnam, but it seems that the most serious concerns related to equal opportunities of ethnic teachings and teachers, in particular involving African Americans.  Today, diversity and globalism requirements, along with the rebirth of courses that promote cultural and sub-culture awareness, as well as a “student body broadly composed of a variety of ethnicities,” has helped to reduce these tensions. (Kaneko 2001).  Perhaps, as Louis Bruno suggested, the graduating class of 1963 was the “pioneers of the college,” but I think that it was the student unions that got involved, and staff members who listened, who were the pioneers of the peaceful environment we enjoy today… on our drowsy campus.

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